2018г., Автор: Michał N. Faszcza, Pultusk Academy of Humanities, от сборник „Rerum gestarum monumentis et memoriae Cultural Readings in Livy“. Оригинално заглавие „Livy and the Celts“.
Превод: Сурен Исраилян, 05.05.2023г.
Взето от:
https://www.academia.edu/37383001/Livy_and_the_Celts?email_work_card=view-paper
Заключение
Извън всякакво съмнение в творчеството на Ливий келтите са предимно врагове на Рим. Те са представени като диви воини, които представляват заплаха за цивилизацията на италианските народи. Ливий не пише нищо за присъствието им на Апенинския полуостров от VIII в. пр. Може би дори не е знаел за това. Според него галите са „пришълци“/strangers, които трябва да бъдат подчинени, защото стоят на пътя на римското господство над Италия. Те могат да бъдат или врагове, или поданици, но не и народ, равен на римляните. Фрагментът от „Еней“/Aeneis, написан от Вергилий/Vergil, показва това много ясно.
В „официалната“ история на Рим не може да има място за разглеждане на правата на други народи да управляват различни региони на Италия. Това важи с особена сила за племената, отговорни за разгрома на римската армия в битката при река Алия/Allia River и завладяването на Рим през 390/387 г. пр.н.е. Страхът от галите (metus Gallicus) и травмите, причинени от военни бедствия, довели до литературното измисляне на поражението на келтите след като те взели откупа. За римляните било по-важно реално да си отмъстят на варварите за миналите унижения, отколкото да търсят корените на келтското заселване в Италия. Съчинението на Ливий е пример за този вид „патриотична“ история.
Забележки:
67. See Günnewig 1998.
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Въпреки всичко това е трудно да се отговори на въпроса дали начинът на описание на галите произтича от концепцията на Август за tota Italia. Със сигурност различният им външен вид и обичаи означават, че в очите на римляните те не са нищо повече от опасни „други“. Това няма нищо общо с расовите предразсъдъци, за които пише Ейдриън Н. Шеруин-Уайт/Adrian N. Sherwin-White (68). Създаването на етническа самоидентификация винаги се е основавало на различията между „нас“ и „тях“ (69), така че фокусът на Ливий върху външния вид е лесно разбираем. Проблемът е, че материалната култура не може да бъде единственият критерий за „келтство“ и затова в изследванията върху античната етническа принадлежност Ab Urbe condita не е много полезна. В най-добрия случай това произведение трябва да се разглежда като спомагателен източник.
Галите на Ливий са предимно воини и точно така са представени в неговото произведение. През същия период Страбо от Амасея/Strabo of Amaseia (70 г. ) също пише за тях, както и Диодор Сицилийски/Diodorus of Sicily (71 г. ) и Гай Юлий Цезар в „Записки за Галската война“. Те обръщат внимание и на други аспекти на келтската култура, но в тяхната интерпретация келтите са особено
Забележки:
68. Sherwin-White 1967. Cf. Противоречивата книга на Бенджамин Исаак (2006 г. ), посветена на създаването на расизма в класическата древност (Isaac 2006). Някои автори са склонни да използват съвременни термини по отношение на миналото, което е проблематично, тъй като те биха могли да бъдат разбрани по различен начин или дори да не са съществували. Няма доказателства, че римското описание на келтите може да бъде признато за „расистко“. Не всяка форма на шовинизъм е расизъм. Антропологичното понятие „друг“ е по-полезно в този случай.
69. See Smith 1987: 21–45. По отношение на келтите на този аспект се обръща голямо внимание от: James 1999: 76–77; Wells 2001: 15, 29–30; Collis 2004: 13–26, 84–87; Oppenheimer 2006: 23.
70. Strab. 4, 1–6.
71. Diod. Sic. 5, 24–35.
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войнствени (72). Това се дължи на факта, че римляните е трябвало да се справят с галите по време на многобройни войни (73).
Ливий приписва на келтите стереотипни характеристики на варварите, като дивост, агресия и липса на дисциплина. Той не обръща внимание на индивидуалните особености или регионалните различия. За него галите изглеждали като хомогенна общност – което не отговаря на съвременните познания. Ливий не е имал чести контакти с галите, ако изобщо е имал такива, така че описанията му се основават на представи и културни конструкции за „другия“. Тълкуването на такива източници винаги е много трудно, което обаче не изключва тяхната полезност.
Дори ако Ab Urbe condita се състои предимно от стереотипи, някои сведения за външния вид на галските воини са доста ценни. Например археолозите потвърждават популярността на торквите и украсените шлемове сред келтите, както пише Диодор (74). Това показва, че Ливий е трябвало да разчита на достоверен източник на информация за римско-галските войни. Тези изводи могат да бъдат разочароващи, въпреки тяхната обобщеност, затова проблемът за „келтството“ изглежда все по-важен.
Най-лесният начин да обобщим е, че Ливий не е определил недвусмислени критерии за „келтство“, но това все още не обяснява кой е бил „келт“ за него. На първо място, той е бил човек от Севера, който изглеждал по-различно от римлянина. Няма причина да смятаме, че Ливий е взел предвид езиковия критерий, както е направил Тацит/Tacitus.
Второ, „келтът“ е бил враг на Римската република. Ливий пише предимно за въоръжените сблъсъци, така че това може да изглежда очевидно, въпреки че няма сигурност дали е знаел нещо друго за галската култура. На трето място, келтът е бил свиреп „пришелец“ в Италия, което автоматично го класифицира като антиримлянин. Като „чужденец“ той трябва да е бил „варварин“ и да е имал отвратителни навици.
Забележки:
72. За образа на келтските воини в книгите на Цезар виж по-специално: Rawlings 1998. Cf. Brunaux, Lambot 1987; Deyber 2009, чиито книги се базират най-вече върху трудовете на Страбо, Диодор и Цезар. Важен източник за изучаване на келтското военно дело са Полибий и Ливий, тъй като те не са били свързани с литературната традиция, създадена от Посидоний от Апамея/Posidonius of Apameia. Може би това е най-важното предимство в трудовете на Ливий по отношение на келтските изследвания, но нека да не забравямае, че той е бил силно повлиян от написаното от Полибий. По тази тема виж: Tränkle 1977.
73. Не бива да забравяме за дългогодишните контакти като съседи и активната търговска дейност между римляните и келтските племена – виж: Cunliffe 1988. По-важно от сравнението на мащаба на тези контакти и войни е възприемането на общата им история от римляните.
74. Diod. Sic. 5, 30, 2.
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Можем да предположим, че съвременното разбиране за „келтство“ се различава от това на много антични автори, като например Ливий, което повдига въпроса дали правилно изследваме древната етническа принадлежност. „Келтите“ са хора, които се описват по този начин, но как да класифицираме племена, за които нямаме достатъчно информация? Ако древните автори не са използвали езиковия критерий, може би решението е да се признае, че „келт“ е някой, който е бил наречен така от гърците или римляните, като се има предвид, че това е термин, който може да се променя с времето? Както пише Саймън Джеймс/Simon James (75), не бива да допускаме определянето на древни явления чрез съвременни критерии, защото това има малко общо с усилията за разбиране на миналото. Ако забравим това, „келтите“ на Ливий няма да са нашите „келти“. Като учени ние трябва да анализираме запазените източници и да се опитваме да ги разберем, вместо да променяме съдържанието им.
Изглежда, че Ливий не е обогатил стереотипа за галите, но в крайна сметка е установил много общи мнения. Ето защо е жалко, че не е запазено произведението на Гней Помпей Трог/ Gnaeus Pompeius Trogus, чийто келтски произход дава надежда за различна историческа перспектива. Келтите щели да останат в историята като диви варвари, чието поражение е било необходима стъпка за постигане на по-висша форма на цивилизация. Това обаче е свързано по-скоро с колониалната визия за историята, отколкото с академичната наука.
Забележки:
75. James 1999: 81–82, 137–138.
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